After Trumpism

The rise of Trumpism in the west has been beneficial to anyone that is one of the fringe. Being anti immigration and pro protectionism was originally and to some extent it still is frowned upon. The liberal hegemony pushes out nationalism and reactionary thoughts out of the media and academia . Mainline protestantism and catholicism has adopted liberal values in order to keep church pews filled. But liberal churches are still emptying.

But to be quite honest what passes as conservatism in the west is much better. Donald Trump and Nigel Farage have done wonders for the right in the past few years. Nationalism is now socially acceptable on the right. Even if the right wing trotskyists (neocons) are only tolerating them for the next 4-8 years.

What is needed is something more extreme that appeals to both intellectuals and working class folks. The left might be weak in terms of political power at the moment. Academia , media , and finance is still very much behind them. The neo conservative and tea party types are dying slowly. Either trumpism becomes a more solid philosophy or something new and extreme needs to replace it. One of the things the right should do is usurp the left’s control over the environmentalism issue.

The right wing needs to make good use of pressure groups and Passivism as well as electing implicitly fringe candidates. Pressure groups could be minor parties,activists, and online movements. The right needs to create connections in their communities and become successful. In order to become worthy of power.

The right wing in it’s improved form will need a new pantheon of thinkers. Adam Smith , Milton Friedman , and John Locke need to be put in the trash bin. Alain de Benoist ,Mencius moldbug, Robert Filmer, Julius Evola, Pat Buchanan, and any distributist thinker would be worth a look. The right needs to experience a dark enlightenment. The future of the right won’t be found in classical liberalism and neoconservatism. It’s time to evolve.

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3 Comments

  1. Your comments upon the churches reminded me of the following by Spengler:

    Truly, it is a long time since Leo XIII’s view of world politics commanded a
    following, and a true prince of the church like Cardinal Kopp ruled over the
    clergy in Germany. At that period the church was conscious of being a
    conservative force, and it knew well that its fate was bound up with that of the
    other conservative forces – State authority, monarchy, the social order, and
    property – that it stood, in the class war, unconditionally against the Liberal and
    Socialist forces, on the “Right,” and that its prospect of outlasting the
    revolutionary age depended upon doing so. But the change has come quickly.
    Spiritual discipline is shaken. The activities of the mob element in the priesthood
    tyrannize over the church right up to the highest positions, and those who hold
    them are forced to keep silence to hide their impotence from the world. Church
    diplomacy, formerly directed from above in so distinguished a manner, and
    exercising its tactical judgment over things decades ahead, gives way increasingly
    to the vulgar methods of day-to-day politics, to party democratic agitation from
    below, with its contemptible dodges and specious argumentation. Thought and
    action are on the level of the cosmopolitan underworld. The traditional striving
    for temporal power is reduced to petty ambition in the direction of election
    successes and alliances with other “mob” parties for the sake of material results.
    The mob element in the priesthood, once severely curbed, now prevails, with its
    proletarian way of thinking, over the really worthy section of the clergy that
    considers the soul of a man to be worth more than his vote and takes metaphysical
    problems more seriously than demagogic raids upon economic life. Tactical
    mistakes, such as the Spaniards made in imagining they could separate the
    destinies of throne and altar, would not have been made a few decades back. But
    since the end of the World War the church – in Germany above all, where, being
    an ancient power of rigid traditions, it had to pay heavily in prestige with its own
    adherents by descending to street level – has sunk to class wars and association
    with Marxism. There is in Germany a Catholic Bolshevism which is more
    dangerous than the anti-Christian because it hides behind the mask of a religion.

    Like

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